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The crusade against slavery, 1830-1860,

Prologue
IN 1830, after the winds of reform of the United States more furiously denied that they had never done since the Revolution. Not only were there more cases than before, but in an era of "the emergence of the common man" affecting more people. In an atmosphere of unrest, the situation of blacks, both slave and free, became an increasingly urgent problem and preeminent and, finally, divided the nation.

The abolition and reform movements are complex by nature, have emotional overtones, and is associated with events spectacular. It was not possible to provide disinterested analysis of the content and orientation, either in time or much later. The growth of free soil and the struggle to preserve the Union made reform seem less important, and confusing the definition of abolition. In the post-Civil War reformers, once united by concern for the slave, freedom of expression, temperance, education, women's rights, and other causes, tended to separate, everyone to exercise their own specialty. This greater emphasis on "experts" make it increasingly difficult to accept the fact that one could agitate for the women's rights, and education, and rights of the person at a time – that many Americans once they had done so. Therefore, although there have been numerous biographies of the Reformers before the Civil War and the monumental history of women's rights, temperance, education, and other cross, his relationship with others has been less persistently sought. The centerpiece of the reform – abolition – has received the consideration fragmented, mostly in the interests of one or another important figure.

It has been too easy to assume that the fight "moral" against slavery in the 1830s became, from 1840 to 1860, in a "policy struggle "to diminish the value of the abolitionists. Whether true or false, the thesis requires further examination. The present volume traces the relationship between antislavery to abolition, and probes their connection with the various reforms that dominated the era. This is to avoid merely mentioning names, not to mention the insults. Find more However, to discriminate between individuals and investigate their effects and value. It strives to regain a sense of consequence that contemporary reformers enjoyed, and is very such an attempt might affect our view of its relevance for our times.

The materials available are so numerous, so complex as ours, "densepack'd cities, "as broad as our" multiple fields. "The researcher who seeks to rise above the level of partisanship has a delicate task in the search for representative materials designed to initiate an investigation, instead of closing it, while at the same time satisfy the reader's right to know how the author feels by their own findings.

My thanks is due Antioch College, the American Philosophical Society, and the Social Science Research Council, which, at strategic points concessions provided research assistance and for related expenses. fine library staff Antioch College has helped keep the materials during the long preparation the manuscript, and excellent political sabbatical allowed me to complete the job. Many more people than can be conveniently mentioned have given aid and comfort, suggestions and advice. I must thank, first of all, my publishers, Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris, who gave this work to the benefit of long experience and understanding. Many people have read the manuscript, in part, and many others influenced the formulation of passages and ideas. It is a pleasure to note, among my colleagues, teachers Bernard A. Weisberger of the University of Chicago, the late Robert S. Fletcher of Oberlin College, Harry R. Stevens, Ohio University, Wesley M. Gewehr, professor emeritus of history at the University of Maryland, Lawrence A. Cremin of Teachers College, Columbia University, C. Urban College Park, Mary E. Stanley Young, Ohio State University, Dean Lloyd E. Worner of The College of Colorado, and Cleveland Bernard Mandel. Mr. Boyd B. Stutler Charleston, West Virginia, not only gave freely of his wealth of information about John Brown and other related issues, but contributed a forward to a warm welcome during the research stages more rocky. Librarians are friendly people, and one is grateful to them as a class. Useful beyond the strict call of duty were Mrs. Alene Lowe White Western Reserve Historical Society, Miss Lelia F. Holloway of Oberlin College Library, and Miss Louise F. Kampf Colorado College, and Dr. Henry J. Caren, Associate Editor Ohio Historical Quarterly.

CHAPTER 1
The Challenge of Slavery
Throughout the colonial period and after the American Revolution, slavery was accepted by most Americans as a normal and inevitable aspect of their business. It is true that it became more and more small Working as an institution for the southern states. True, too, relatively few Americans had a direct financial interest in its perpetuation. These few, however, including some of the most respected elements of society. He bought and sold slaves, hired as workers, and otherwise experienced by the money gained from their use. For many people, which its fortunes in the northern non-slave-holders who have purchased goods and services and to those who felt friendship. They enjoyed the good will of the poorer classes of southerners and northerners who hated blacks for their color or feared as a possible competitor.

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Yet, curiously, during the decades preceded the reform era, slavery is not inspired a remarkable literary or legal defense. Many influential leaders of society means that ultimately must give way to a more democratic order. Others regretted their operation and tried to hasten its end. His compassion sometimes extended to the Indians, who also had been marked by slavery, but was less maneuverable than the black man. In New England in the seventeenth century, John Eliot, "Apostle to the Indians" had been shaken to its Indian saint conversion work. In the South, the following century, Christian PrIBES, Saxony, adopted the Cherokees in western Carolina, died a prisoner of Oglethorpe, English reformer and founder of Georgia. 1 Among others, Samuel Thing. However, notable chronicler of Massachusetts and the judge-penitent of the witchcraft hysteria Salem, had worried about good and evil of slavery, and has committed to pay its own slave for services rendered. His was, literally, voices crying in the desert.

Later became an important assumption in American history that the border has encouraged freedom. There is, indeed, convincing evidence that the frontier promoted the creation of ideas and democratic attitudes and helped the democratic leaders to the fore, but it was not, however, help to undermine slavery. The border tend to reflect the preconceptions and expectations of those who settled. They were allowed almost unlimited potential, so that practice and experimental, progressive and clearly reactionary modes of behavior flourished according to the strength of its sponsors. Cosmopolitan Cincinnati in Ohio and Illinois Mormons in Nauvoo, with his former South Natchez and atheistic forms New Harmony in Indiana – all made possible by the open terrain. 2 It was part of the tragedy of the South that its rapid hardening social system should have so dominated its own border which have not allowed a fermentation process between the new areas are developed in the South and the original states. West Virginia – Mountainous, with few slaves, with a large number of poor whites and individualists – was not able to change old ways of Virginia. Ultimately, they separated. 3

The American Revolution and beyond excited new expectations that slavery before should decrease in strength and prestige. These real plans to end with her as the maintenance of high tariffs on trade in slaves, or to allow slaves to purchase their own freedom, were impractical. 4 But the spirit of the times seemed to favor an expansion of civil liberties, etc. The First Southern freely expressed abhorrence of the slave trade and slavery domestic. Not a few loyal slaves manumission rewarded for services during the Revolutionary War. Dr. Samuel Hopkins, noted theologian and a disciple of great Jonathan Edwards, was expressed on behalf of the slave, and contributed an important dialogue with regard to the slavery of Africans (1776) to the revolutionary debate. After the Revolution had been fought and won, which continued to influence the American imagination, would be to strengthen identification with an application for a specific reform. The cause of blacks was seen as the help of his association with the revolutionary effort, which was considered the best deal was in black-white relations. In due time, views against the slavery of the Fathers of the Revolution was carefully collected and widely cited. 5

But the war ended, the popular interest on the slave declined. abolitionist petitions in the first Federal Congress were, as a caustic observer, was "with contempt" by John Adams, President and with hostility by the distinguished senators. Such acts as Virginia, officially manumitting blacks who had served the Revolution, contributed to a collapse of manumission, but well into the nineties was the custom for the owners of slaves to some of his black manumit faithful will. 6

The invention of the cotton gin by Eli Whitney in 1793 made slavery profitable cotton cultivation, thereafter, the South became more resolute in defense leadship of their rights. Northern Representative unequivocally expressed his feelings against slavery, but did not speak of a section attached to the problem, nor were they clear about what should be done. Point tenderness on the subject had time to form in the North. William Jay, soon to be one of the most distinguished of abolitionists was proud of the career of his father, John Jay, and the latter's services as president of the Society for the Promotion pioneered the emancipation of slaves. His biography the first Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court made Jay ownership of slaves in a special category:

In the year 1798, being called by the marshal of the United States to an account of their taxable property, [John Jay] accompanied a list of his slaves with the following observations:

"I can buy slaves and manumit them at appropriate ages, and when their faithful services have been offered reasonable compensation."

As free slaves became more common, he was gradually relieved of the need to buy slaves and freed the last two which he held for many years in his family, the usual wage. 7

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Thus, this first period, antislavery leaders resorted to slave "human" ends.

In 1825, North and South were clearly distinguishable his attitude toward slavery, but not in its attitude toward the black. The visit of the famous Marquis de Lafayette, in that year, helped to highlight the extent to which the new nation had fallen from earlier forecasts. The eminent French received an appeal from a citizen publicspirited speak against slavery, the latter having "A reminder of the ads in my youth for your generous efforts in the cause of American liberty," and being convinced that the general's views would be received with enthusiasm. 8 But Lafayette was dismayed by the amount of prejudice against blacks, he noted, in the North and South, and noted that during the Revolution "Messy black and white soldiers together without hesitation." 9

Theodore Dwight and Sergeant John were typical of many northerners who are sincere in feeling anti-slavery, but who inadvertently fell into the position of mere sectionalists. Theodore Dwight, editor of the New York Daily Advertiser, not only for the abolition of slavery; denounced the beating of the soldiers, and cruelty towards the blacks, Indians, Eskimos, the mentally ill, and lobster, even. But besides being a reformer was also an ardent federalist, that the restrictions on the virtues and vices of Thomas Jefferson were far from dispassionate. 10 John Sergeant was a prominent Philadelphia attorney and member Congress who made the complaint of Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina as "a distinguished lawyer of the Missouri restriction, a known abolitionist." There is no evidence however, that the sergeant had no regard for blacks as individuals or as a people. 11 After some first hand knowledge of the work of slavery, supporters of policies failed to acquire the information to be added to your hamstrings arguments against it. Different quenching was Benjamin Lundy, the largest pioneer abolitionists, who said in 1826 that the governor of South Carolina had recommended that the custom of slaves in capital cases the burning stopped. "Is This may not have been done long ago? "Lundy said." Can the cruelty of the slave thus denying, as they have done, by the editors of slaveite? "12

Most of northern colleagues Lundy remained indifferent to such practices, in fact, few of them were actively slave. The line between anti-slavery sentiment and feeling sometimes Black Shadow, but Major Mordecai Manuel Noah, picturesque and popular Jackson, not walked through the branches. Noah preached human rights, but also defended the enslavement of black. His view was shared by many elements throughout the North. 13

Daniel Webster, for the most peroration, pleading in 1830 for "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and indivisible", he noted that the suspicion had been promoted in the South against the North for political reasons. The North was depicted as "willing to interfere with them in their own exclusive and peculiar concerns. "The accusation was false, Webster said:" Such interference has never been supposed to remain in government hands, or been in any way, attempted. "Many northerners and other measures adopted also a virtuoso standing regarding their willingness to live with slavery as a system. 14 His insensitivity is a major challenge not only to the abolitionists, but other anti-slavery supporters becoming frustrated in their hopes that the spokesmen of the South would support programs freeing the slaves. But as Theodore Parker was the point in the sermon after sermon, in favor of the slave system would not allow the North alone. Horace Greeley was a day to summarize the problem brilliantly:

"Why do not you let slavery alone?" was overwhelming and defendant plaintively north, through the long struggle before [the bombing of Fort Sumter], by men who should have seen it, but I would not, that slavery never left the North, nor think about it. "Louisiana Purchase for us!" said the slave owners. "With pleasure." "Now Florida!" "Of course. After "violate their treaties with the Creeks and Cherokees, to expel the tribes of the lands they have occupied since time immemorial, to expand our plantations. "" So said, so done. "Now to Texas! "" You have to. "Then a third more of Mexico! "" Yours is. "" Now, break the Covenant of Missouri, and let slavery struggle with Free Labor for the vast area devoted by that pact to Freedom! "" Okay. What now? "" Buy us to Cuba, for one hundred and fifty million. " "We tried, but Spain refuses to sell. "" Then it started all the hazards! And all this time, while slavery was using the Union as Catspaw – dragging the Republic in unjust wars and huge expenditures, and the empire after empire capture what – Northern men (or, more precisely, men in the north) are constantly asking why people living in the free states alone could not stop slavery, mind your own business, and spend their philanthropy surplus of the poor in their own doors, Instead of happy and contented slaves! 15

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